The world’s advice for U.S. voters—and the next White House.

I have a confession to make. I feel a sense of paralysis in these weeks leading up to the U.S. presidential election. Whether it’s the fate of Ukraine, peace in the Middle East, competition with China, or the broader question of America’s role in the world, too much is riding on who will be the next occupant of the White House. A Donald Trump presidency would be very different from a Kamala Harris one, and polls continue to show Americans are bitterly divided on how to choose between them. Key players in global crises, from Russian President Vladimir Putin to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, seem as if they are waiting to see who wins before they make their next big move. Perhaps that’s why it’s so difficult to cast beyond Nov. 5 and imagine how a range of conflicts and issues may play out.

Four years ago, our Fall 2020 print issue tried to examine what we called “The Most Important Election. Ever.” Little did we know we’d find ourselves at a similar crossroads in 2024. Yes, Harris has replaced U.S. President Joe Biden at the top of the Democratic ticket, but many of the issues at stake—for the United States and the world—remain the same. Columnist Michael Hirsh wrote a cover essay for us about 2020; we asked him this time around to contrast the visions presented by Harris and Trump.

But back to that paralysis: What happens after Nov. 5? For starters, there’s little guarantee the U.S. public will respect the results of the election. Even if you imagine a point in the future where Americans agree on who will lead them for the next four years, the question is how the next president should unite a polarized electorate and what issues they should prioritize.

That’s a dilemma we wanted to address in our cover package, “Dear America.” Nine distinguished thinkers with lifetimes of experience in global policymaking have written nonpartisan letters of advice to the next White House—and to Americans. With the United States no longer the world’s sole hegemon, each of them considers how Washington should approach the critical challenges our planet faces.

The political scientist Joseph S. Nye Jr., who popularized the term “soft power” in this magazine more than three decades ago, explores how the next president can restore U.S. standing in the world. “Political values attract only if a country lives up to them,” he writes. “Preaching democracy abroad will be judged by how well it is practiced at home.” Arancha González, a former Spanish foreign minister, builds on that with a call for “investing in a shield that would protect and preserve democracy for future generations.” Such a task, she argues, will require strengthening election systems, regulating social media, and bolstering cybersecurity.

The Nobel-winning economist Joseph E. Stiglitz makes the case for following the rules. “[W]e have an international trade order that enforces rules against the poor and weak … but in which the United States can do as it will,” he writes, referring to how Washington has strong-armed the World Trade Organization to serve U.S. interests. Mark Malloch-Brown, a former U.N. deputy secretary-general now based in London, argues that “what’s good for the United States is more than ever not always good for the rest of the world. … There is a dangerous divergence.” The solution, Malloch-Brown says, is for Washington to reverse its current multilateral posture and become more of a team player. It’s a sentiment echoed thousands of miles away in Singapore, from where the scholar Danny Quah calls the United States out for its “obsession with being No. 1” at the cost of global stability. “We want America in our world—just as we want China in it, too,” Quah says.

Our letter writers don’t always agree with each other. But we felt they all had one thing in common from their many years in public policy: a deep love for America and a desire to see it become more of a force for good. Other contributors include Nirupama Rao, a former Indian foreign secretary; Catherine Ashton, a former EU foreign-policy chief; Martin Kimani, a former Kenyan ambassador to the United Nations; and Jason Bordoff, a former energy policymaker in the Obama administration. The next White House—and American voters—would do well to heed their advice in mulling the difficult choices ahead.

There’s lots more in this issue, including a unique ranking of the world’s best international relations programs. No one can predict the state of the world in 2025, but here at Foreign Policy, we can at least help the next generation of policymakers figure out where to go to school.

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Ukraine’s Defence Minister Rustem Umierov has signed an order approving the Military Personnel Policy Concept through to 2028, which focuses on meeting the human resources needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU).

Quote: “The document defines a strategic vision for developing military personnel policy in defence over the next five years, both during martial law and peacetime.

The main emphasis of the concept is to ensure that the needs of the AFU in personnel are met during a full-scale war, integration into the Euro-Atlantic security space, and interoperability of the AFU with the armed forces of NATO member states.”

Details: The Ukrainian Defence Ministry expects the following effects:

The AFU will switch to contract military service. Conscript military service will be replaced by intensive military training for citizens of draft age;

Ukraine will have an effective system of recruiting professional and motivated personnel for the AFU;

A human-centred approach to career management of military personnel, taking into account their education;

Professional development, and gender equality. Equal opportunities for men and women in the AFU;

Improved electronic military registration system;

Automated and digitalised personnel management processes;

Expanded cooperation between Ukrainian higher education institutions and those of NATO and EU member states;

An effective and transparent system of financial support for servicemen and women and provision of housing;

Improved psychological support;

A new style of relations between commanders and subordinates;

Proper conditions for transitioning from military career to civilian life for service members subject to discharge from military service.

Source : Yahoo

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President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has stated that Ukraine needs to get used to the fact that the country’s policies are bringing it closer to the moment when the Ukrainian flag will be hoisted alongside the flags of other EU member states in Brussels.

Quote: “Ukraine has walked a very long path – from a point where many didn’t believe in the possibility of our alignment with the European Union during a full-scale war, to achieving the status of a candidate country at record speed and fulfilling the necessary prerequisites for opening negotiations.

This is proof, time and time again, that Ukraine can accomplish significant achievements when we work in a united and confident manner, in the interests of our independence and of all Ukrainians…

All of us in Ukraine now need to get used to the fact that our domestic policy is a policy of European integration, and that is what is bringing us closer to the moment when the Ukrainian flag will be flying in Brussels alongside the flags of all the other EU member states.”

Details: Zelenskyy added that his team is doing everything possible to be ready for full accession to the European Union and to adapt all institutions and standards to European rules.

Source : Yahoo

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The assessment published by Finland’s Ministry of the Interior covers 21 nationally significant threat scenarios and disruptions, ranging from hybrid influence activities and armed conflicts to natural disasters, industrial accidents and climate phenomena.

The previous risk assessment was published in 2018.

The assessment anticipates sudden incidents targeted at Finland that have an impact on the vital functions of society and require the authorities to adopt exceptional measures or even request help from other countries.

According to the report, climate change, the digitalization of societies, hybrid influence activities and networked value and production chains are further examples of development trends and phenomena in the operating environment of threats and disruptions.

There are two new threats compared with the previous report: multiple simultaneous large wildfires and an extremely powerful space storm, national broadcaster Yle said.

There is also a high probability of a new pandemic, the report noted. However, it is impossible to estimate the magnitude of the risk and the severity of the pandemic in advance, it said.

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“We understand that countries have different approaches when it comes to supporting Ukraine, and we respect the debate that’s been taking place in Korea,” Landsbergis said.

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This massive haul will be shipped to Ukraine through Poland over the coming weeks.

Even as millions of people across Pakistan continue to struggle in dire misery due to a severe food shortage and worsening economic crisis, the country is all set to send another consignment of weapons and ammunition to help Ukraine fight the ongoing invasion by Russia.

The Economic Times reported that Project Shipping – a Pakistani shipping and brokerage firm – will transport the consignment from the Karachi Port to the Gdansk Port in Poland later this month with a ship named BBC Vesuvius.

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“The total inadequacy of decisions and actions of the current Kyiv regime, whose politicians are notorious for their carelessness, inability to negotiate, and blatant Russophobia, is obvious. And, although Russia does not reject the option for negotiations and a political resolution of the conflict, we are not going to talk under the preconditions put forth by the Kyiv authorities. Everything now depends exclusively on the readiness of Kyiv and its Western puppeteers for a true political and diplomatic resolution of the crisis,” the senior diplomat told TASS.

Galuzin also called the “so-called peace initiatives” of Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky “that, if implemented, he allegedly is ready for a truce with Russia under” totally unacceptable.

“The Ukrainian leader’s proposal to make a ‘gesture of goodwill’ and withdraw Russian forces from Ukrainian territory for Christmas is also absurd. It is also unclear how all these slogans and calls correspond with Zelensky’s decree, signed on September 30, about the ‘impossibility’ of negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin,” the Deputy Foreign Minister added.

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“Russia isn’t at the negotiation table at all. And so our goal right now is just to reinforce Ukraine’s position on the ground through military aid, intelligence sharing and financial support,” said Mélanie Joly. “Because when we do that, we’re actually reinforcing their position at the negotiation table. There will be a diplomatic solution eventually. That’s been the case in every single conflict. But we’re not there yet.”

Despite reports that western allies are growing wary of continued and costly arms shipment – and concerned at the speed with which Ukraine is using up its ammunition – Joly said there was “strong support for Ukraine” ahead of the Nato summit.

She pointed to Canada’s pledge of C$500m (£310m) in new military aid to Ukraine, announced at the G20 summit in Jakarta.

Russia’s targeting of Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, particularly power plants, had only increased support from allies, Joly said.

“We need to make sure that Ukrainians are able to get through this difficult winter,” she said, adding that energy ministers from Nato countries were looking for solutions to the looming energy crisis.

Russia has pounded energy facilities around Kyiv with missile strikes, resulting in power outages and breaks in water supplies.

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The president of Ukraine also noted the beginning of the confiscation of Russian assets and called for tougher sanctions pressure on the Russian Federation.

In addition, the politicians agreed on positions on the eve of the NATO summit and other international events.

The NATO summit will be held in Vilnius (Lithuania) on July 11-12.

Zelenskyy was invited to take part in the summit.

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The European Union is rushing to appease enraged Eastern European farmers after Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria banned Ukrainian grain imports, contentious moves that threaten to undermine EU solidarity over Ukraine and compound pressures on already-vulnerable Ukrainian producers. 

The breadbasket of Europe, Ukraine has for years exported vast quantities of grain through the Black Sea. But after Russia’s invasion disrupted those routes, the EU stepped in, removing tariffs and establishing solidarity lanes, or alternative land routes that would allow Ukrainian cereals to reach other countries by passing through Eastern Europe. Rather than just transiting those countries, however, cheap Ukrainian grain entered their markets, and stayed—sparking an uproar among local farmers.

Desperate to win the farmers’ favor, some right-wing leaders have moved to ban Ukrainian grain and score political points. Poland was the first domino to fall when it announced it would block imports of Ukrainian grain and other goods on Saturday; Hungary followed suit later the same day. On Monday and Wednesday, Slovakia and Bulgaria also adopted similar measures. As frustrations boil over, governments must ensure the pitchforks aren’t pointed at them.  

“Super right-wing populist parties have always relied on farmers, and they haven’t done much for farmers at all in the last couple of years,” said Scott Reynolds Nelson, a historian at the University of Georgia and the author of Oceans of Grain: How American Wheat Remade the World. “Suddenly they’re trying to do something quick to get farmers on their side, and a very simple thing to do is to threaten to cut off” Ukrainian grain. 

While falling prices are a serious problem for farmers, he added, “I do think that this is a cheap political gesture on the part of Poland and Hungary just to get more money out of the EU and to look good in front of farmers who are increasingly frustrated with all of these cheap goods.”

Russia tried to play the energy card to hive off Europe from Ukraine; that failed. But the grains play might just do what gas shortages couldn’t.

“I think that Russia obviously understands that this is a major consequence of its blockade of the Black Sea,” said Caitlin Welsh, the director of the Global Food Security Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “It’s not just about blocking Ukraine’s grains from being exported; it’s about reducing support for Ukraine within the EU.”

The influx of Ukrainian grain has been an especially explosive political issue for Warsaw, which has otherwise been a staunch supporter of Kyiv throughout the war. For weeks, Polish farmers have angrily protested the flood of Ukrainian grain and their resulting financial losses, questioning the quality of Kyiv’s goods and even threatening to “spoil” and “ruin” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s recent trip to Warsaw.

All the turmoil is because Russia disrupted the normal state of affairs with a multi-pronged invasion of Ukraine last February. Ukraine’s usual export routes from the Black Sea were for a time closed; even now they are tenuous.

“This is just one of the consequences of the war, in the sense that this isn’t where grain would normally be traded,” said Joseph Glauber, a former chief economist at the U.S. Department of Agriculture currently at the International Food Policy Research Institute. “If you’re a Ukraine exporter, you’re not typically selling it to other countries in Eastern Europe that have their own grain supplies. You’re selling it to places where there are grain deficits.”

With elections looming later this year, Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) has been scrambling to placate its rural base and quickly shore up support. In early April, Polish Agriculture Minister Henryk Kowalczyk resigned as public frustration grew. To appease protesters, his successor has vowed to test the quality of Ukrainian grain imports.  

After condemning the countries’ moves, the European Union is now working to end their bans and bring them back into the fold, announcing on Wednesday more than $100 million to compensate farmers and emergency “preventive measures” that would curb the entry of Ukrainian grain, unless it is set to be exported elsewhere. Warsaw, for now, also appears to have softened its stance, agreeing on Tuesday to end its ban as long as the transiting Ukrainian grain is completely monitored and traced, as well as transported in sealed convoys. 

Given “how quickly they backtracked, that demonstrates that they’ve realized how bad the look is not only toward Ukraine, but also toward Brussels,” said Liana Fix, a fellow for Europe at the Council on Foreign Relations.

These fractures come as uncertainty shrouds the future of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, the breakthrough wartime agreement that has helped drag down global food prices by allowing some 24 million tons of grain to reach the world market since it was signed in July 2022. Russia has continuously threatened to withdraw from the agreement to extract other concessions, and Ukrainian officials recently warned that the fragile deal is at risk of “shutdown.”  The deadline to extend the latest deal is May 18.

If Eastern European countries press ahead with their import bans, experts warn that Ukrainian producers—already struggling to sell their grain and facing lower prices amid shipping challenges and delayed inspections—will be the ones who are hit the hardest.

“If those countries were to shut off any access out through the solidarity lanes, that would create even more problems within Ukraine in terms of lower prices,” Glauber said. Losing the solidarity lanes won’t necessarily mean that more grain can swiftly reach other markets through the Black Sea routes, either. “If you shut off one of them, it’s not like the other one can immediately just pick up,” he added.

Source: Foreign Policy

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