Varga emphasized that fiscal expenditures will be restrained until the inflation rate returns to a “more moderate range.” While there is a consensus that this year’s inflation rate will be significantly lower than last year, he hailed the achievement of reducing inflation from 25.7 percent in January to 5.5 percent in December. He anticipates an even better figure for January of the current year, with monetary policy playing a pivotal role in this success.

The highest annual rate was recorded in Czechia.

Acknowledging the challenges ahead, the minister highlighted the need to reduce the public deficit from around six percent to below three percent this year. He cautioned against achieving this goal hastily, as it could result in a growth sacrifice and increased unemployment. Although there is government discussion about extending the deficit reduction timeline to two years instead of one, a final decision has not been reached.

Mr. Varga believes a deficit of 4-4.5 percent is more realistic for the current year, with market expectations aligning with this assessment.

Addressing public debt, he pointed out notable improvements since 2010. The proportion of public debt in foreign currency has decreased from 53 percent to 26 percent, the average maturity has increased to six years, and public involvement has risen significantly, with the Hungarian population now holding 21 percent of the public debt.

Despite the external pressures, the government’s primary objective for the year remains deficit reduction and lowering the public debt.Continue reading

Concerning the tax system, the minister asserted that Hungary maintains its status as the most competitive country in the region for foreign working capital investment per capita. The government aims to uphold this position while keeping the personal income tax rate in the single digits. He defended the current 15 percent rate as the third lowest tax burden in Europe, with potential reductions through family discounts.

Responding to a question, he clarified that adopting the euro is not an objective but a tool. He cited Slovakia as an example where the introduction of the euro did not necessarily lead to economic success.

The Ministry of Finance quoted Mr. Varga as announcing the arrival of HUF 520 billion (EUR 1.3B) in previously blocked EU funds in Hungary since December last year. However, he emphasized that the economy has continued to function effectively even without these funds. The budget has provided ample resources to sustain family benefits, protect public utility bills, and preserve pension values.

In 2024, the government anticipates receiving over HUF 2,500 billion (EUR 6.4B) in EU funds.

Source: Hungary Today

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Source: France 24

The post Italy, Africa seek to lay foundation for socioeconomic partnership through ‘financial, policy tools’ appeared first on Policy Print.

Indonesia’s Presidential Election (PE) 2024 is just around the corner. On Valentine’s Day, the first round of voting will take place. A second round – which will happen if no candidate pair wins at least 50 per cent of the national vote plus one and at least 20 per cent in half of Indonesia’s 38 provinces – will be on 26 June.

From a national development perspective, the three pairs: Anies Baswedan and Muhaimin Iskandar (Team AMIN), Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka, and Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD, each have their ways to shape the future of Indonesia. What would the policy possibilities post-PE2024 look like? What are the potential impacts on Indonesia’s development trajectory?

As policy (content) cannot be separated from politics (process) and polity (culture), it is important to start answering the question by examining what the presidential nominees’ campaigns reveal about the state of the Indonesian political elite.

In terms of coalition building, there have been shifting alliances and power dynamics among the elite. The coalition that supported President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in his 2014 and 2019 campaigns has now split. Most have gone to Prabowo-Gibran, who have a more populist agenda, some to Ganjar-Mahfud, seen as representing the nationalists, and the remainder to Team AMIN, who claim to be reformist. Thus, their campaign narratives: Team AMIN offer “change”, Prabowo-Gibran “continuity”, and Ganjar-Mahfud “improvement”. These keywords also capture their main policy approaches for key issues in development.

Despite their promise to bring about significant change, Team AMIN surprisingly set quite a conservative target of annual economic growth between 5.5 to 6.5 per cent until 2029. They aim to reach it through shared prosperity, wealth distribution, and social justice. Prabowo-Gibran’s target is 6-7 per cent with a vague, jargonistic strategy: “Jokowinomics”, interpreted as a version of a “Pancasila economy”. This is basically a system with a controlled market economy as a counterbalance against neoclassical economic tenets like individualism and free markets. Ganjar-Mahfud has set an ambitious 7 per cent growth target with a “we have all” (semua ada di kita) strategy.

From the three teams’ vision and mission documents and campaigns, there are a few similarities in their policy platforms. On promoting growth, all candidates aim to accelerate it to improve living standards and reduce poverty. On enhancing industrial development, all candidates recognise the importance of strengthening the country’s industrial base to reduce reliance on imports and strengthen export competitiveness. Last, they all agree to improve physical infrastructure to support economic activity and facilitate trade and investment.

However, the teams differ in the following ways. First, on the role of government, Team AMIN advocate limited government and greater reliance on private sector initiatives. This is likely due to the influence of their campaign advisor, former finance minister Tom Lembong, who also headed Indonesia’s national investment agency. This is in contrast to Prabowo-Gibran, who favour a more active state role in directing economic policy despite big businesses’ support. Ganjar-Mahfud takes the middle ground: in their platform, the government is the regulator and facilitator in guiding development, not an active player.

Second, on trade and liberalisation, Prabowo-Gibran’s focus on protectionism contrasts with Team AMIN’s emphasis on liberalisation and market-based solutions. Again, taking the middle stance, Ganjar-Mahfud seeks to balance the protection of domestic industries with fostering foreign direct investment-based innovation.

On social equity and environmental sustainability, Team AMIN and Ganjar-Mahfud emphasise tackling social inequality and environmental concerns, while Prabowo-Gibran’s primary focus is on growth and national self-sufficiency.

Many investors are waiting to see if Jokowi’s signature policies – including downstreaming, the proposed shift of Indonesia’s capital to Nusantara (IKN), East Kalimantan, and infrastructural development – will continue.

The answer is clearly yes. The signature policies can be grouped into three broad types, the first of which is infrastructure, particularly for connectivity, like ports, roads, and industrial complexes. All the candidates recognise that infrastructural development is crucial and have pledged to continue upholding this policy.

Second, Jokowi has emphasised social protection, particularly social assistance. All candidates understand that this is a populist vote-winner that they must continue, even if they differ on how it is delivered. Third, all candidates will continue downstreaming (hilirisasi) as they know how important it is for Indonesia to move up the value chain. This is not limited to the mining/extractive sectors but extends to agriculture, fisheries, and even digital downstreaming. Team AMIN and Ganjar-Mahfud have declared that they will not stop at this but work towards “re-industrialisation”.

On the planned relocation of the new capital city, Prabowo-Gibran and Ganjar-Mahfud will continue this part of Jokowi’s legacy. The former pair strongly support IKN. Echoing Jokowi’s rhetoric and notwithstanding criticism from academia and civil society, Prabowo-Gibran emphasise the need to develop areas outside Java and has pledged to uphold sustainability and environmental responsibility in the IKN’s execution.

Ganjar-Mahfud has stated that they will study the project further, expressing concern about its potential impact on the local environment and livelihoods of affected communities. In their campaign, they have offered “corrective measures” for what might have been neglected in the developmental process so far, like considering the impact on indigenous groups and the mitigation of environmental problems.

Whoever wins, what is clear is that Indonesia must be prepared to fulfil different, creative development policy priorities to meet its challenges.

Team AMIN are the most critical; they omitted discussion of the IKN in their vision and mission document. They question its feasibility and high cost, arguing that the government should focus on addressing other issues such as poverty and inequality. In the less likely scenario (given Prabowo-Gibran’s high poll ratings) that they will win PE2024, Team AMIN is unlikely to stop the project outright, even though there is growing resistance to the shift to Nusantara from the public and civil servants. At most, the relocation can be delayed, as the IKN’s status is already enshrined in a national law.

The new president and his administration will determine Indonesia’s development trajectory for the next five or ten years. Whether and to what extent the next administration can realise the vision for Indonesia’s “Golden 2045” (Indonesia Emas) centennial remains open to scrutiny.

Whoever wins, what is clear is that Indonesia must be prepared to fulfil different, creative development policy priorities to meet its challenges. All things considered, the PE2024 candidates’ proposed policies are not far-reaching enough to address the multifaceted challenges awaiting Indonesia, especially as it has aspirations to reach advanced development. Excellent technocratic capacity and strong political support must sustain and surpass what President Jokowi has achieved.

Source: Fulcrum

The post Policy Possibilities after Indonesia’s Presidential Election 2024 appeared first on Policy Print.

By Venetia Lai – Among Latinos and Asians living in California, immigrants are less likely than citizens to own a firearm and more likely to report being afraid of becoming a victim of gun violence, according to a new study from the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.

While gun ownership among both groups of noncitizens was in the single digits, more than half of Latino immigrants and nearly three-quarters of Asian immigrants surveyed said they were worried about becoming a gun-violence victim.

“This study shows that the immigrant population’s concern about gun violence is significant,” said Ninez Ponce, director of the Center for Health Policy Research and principal investigator for the California Health Interview Survey, or CHIS.

Firearm ownership

Prior research showed 17.6% of all California adults own a firearm. However the number is just 6.0% among immigrants, according to 2021 CHIS data in the new study. The authors included naturalized adult citizens in the “citizens” category, as firearm access among naturalized citizens more closely mimics that of citizens than immigrants.

The study, which builds on the earlier research, examines firearm ownership, fears of being a victim of gun violence and firearm storage practices among adults in the two largest immigrant populations in California — Latino and Asian — and compares these with Latino and Asian citizens’ practices.

“The United States has the highest gun ownership rate per capita in the world, yet we know very little about ownership rates across different populations of interests, including immigrants,” said Clarissa Iliff, a doctoral student at UC Irvine and co-author of the study. “We need to analyze how citizenship, fear of victimization and firearm ownership among immigrant populations change over time.”

Study findings show Asian immigrants are more likely than Latino immigrants to own at least one firearm. The rate of gun ownership among Latino citizens was more than four times that of Latino immigrants, at 18.1% versus 4.1%, while ownership rates among Asians were more consistent at 12.6% for citizens and 7.2% for noncitizens.

Fears of gun violence

Yet, 74.9% of Asian immigrants and 53.2% of Latino immigrants said they are “very worried” or “somewhat worried” about being a victim of gun violence. Latino immigrants in that category own more firearms on average compared with Latino immigrants who report being “not too worried” or “not at all worried.”

Among Latino citizens, however, the opposite is true: Those least worried about being a victim of gun violence own more firearms on average than those who are most worried.

Firearm storage practices

Overall, immigrants in California are more likely than citizens to store guns locked and unloaded, at 76.5% versus 45%. Among citizens, 6.1% reported storing at least one gun unlocked and loaded; comparable data for immigrants were unavailable.

The finding that immigrants seemingly take safe firearm storage seriously deserves more attention, the authors said.

“Storing a firearm safely decreases the likelihood of its being used in an accidental shooting in the home, as well as of having the gun stolen and used in a subsequent crime,” said George Tita, professor in the Department of Criminology, Law and Society at UC Irvine and co-author of the study. “Understanding why the safe storage message resonates more strongly with immigrant groups might help us craft more effective messaging to the broad population of gun owners.”

The authors recommend that future research be undertaken to understand the difference in gun ownership rates across all racial, ethnic and citizenship groups. “We need to continue collecting data on gun violence attitudes and issues to help develop policies that benefit all Californians, whether immigrants or citizens,” Ponce said.

Source : Sierra Sun Times

The post UCLA Center for Health Policy Research Study Finds Despite Stronger Fears of Being a Victim of Gun Violence appeared first on Policy Print.

VIA Rail Canada’s new baggage policy and reservation system introduces sweeping changes that are catching passengers and workers off-guard as rail travel gears up for the holiday season.

“Instead of making train travel more accessible VIA Rail’s new policy only complicates it,” said Lana Payne, Unifor National President. “It’s unfortunate to see passenger rail become more cumbersome at a time when ease and affordability in green public transportation is more important than ever.”

VIA Rail’s new baggage and reservation policies launched on November 18, 2023 and are already having a negative impact on passengers’ wallets and travel experience. Travelers will now encounter seat selection and baggage fees similar to budget airlines, directly leading to higher travel costs. Particularly affected are students and economy class passengers, with students losing their previously entitled second free bag and economy travelers facing stricter luggage size limits. Additionally, Sleeper and Prestige class passengers will face revised cabin baggage allowances and checked baggage limits.

“These changes hit hard when people are already stretched thin and we’ve moved so far away from VIA Rail’s original mandate of providing an affordable service to Canadians,” Jennifer Murray, Atlantic Regional Director. “Our members are on the front lines, witnessing first-hand how such policies inconvenience travelers and complicate our working conditions.”

Unifor’s Get Canada Back on Track campaign advocates for an expansion of publicly-owned passenger rail in Canada. The campaign stresses the need for a public transport system that caters to environmental sustainability, safety, and the well-being of Canadian travelers and workers.

Unifor is Canada’s largest union in the private sector, representing 315,000 workers in every major area of the economy. The union advocates for all working people and their rights, fights for equality and social justice in Canada and abroad, and strives to create progressive change for a better future.

Source : CISION

The post Via Rail’s New Baggage Policy: a Burden on Passengers and Workers Alike appeared first on Policy Print.

Upset over Chandigarh’s ‘rigid’ excise policy and the losses they have allegedly suffered due to neighbouring Punjab’s ‘flexible’ policy, the Chandigarh Wine Contractors Association has decided not to submit suggestions for next year’s policy.

“Throughout the year, we urged the administration to make necessary changes in its liquor policy but all fell on deaf ears. The result? At least 18 liquor vends out of 95 were not auctioned causing a loss of approximately Rs 150 crore to the state exchequer in the current financial year,” Darshan Singh Kaler, president of the association, said.

With the current excise policy set to end on March 31, 2024, the UT excise department had sought suggestions in the first week of November, with a submission deadline of November 30.

The Chandigarh Wine Contractors Association, an umbrella body of 77 liquor vend owners, decided on Saturday that it would not participate in the exercise even if the date was extended.

“We collectively decided not to participate in the formation of Excise Policy 2024-25, considering the experience of the last two years. The rigid excise policy of the UT administration contrasts with the flexible liquor policy in Punjab, where liquor contractors are not bound to pick a fixed quota of liquor cartons,” Kaler added.

“It is well known that the liquor contractors in Chandigarh are facing immense losses. Worse, the administration is trying to recover this loss from us by shifting the liquor quota of the non-auctioned 18 vends to us. Inviting suggestions from stakeholders like us is merely eyewash,” Kaler added.

Sanjeev Garg, a liquor contractor, emphasised the need for a cut in the liquor quota. “As liquor prices in Punjab are similar or lower than those in Chandigarh, liquor sales in Chandigarh have declined. We face penalties for falling short of picking a certain fixed quota of liquor cartons from distilleries. The penalty for not picking each IMFL and IFL carton from the plant is Rs 900 and Rs 3,500, respectively. In Punjab, there is no fixed quota and contractors pick stock based on their requirements. If VAT on liquor is 12 per cent in Chandigarh, it is merely 1 per cent in Punjab,” he said.

The UT excise department had set a revenue target of Rs 830 crore for 2023-24 but collected only Rs 600 crore. The main revenue comes from licence fees for the vends, which range from Rs 3 crore to Rs 15 crore, depending on their location.

A senior UT excise department officer acknowledged the limited suggestions from liquor contractors, saying the excise policy in Punjab was under consideration and all concerns were being taken into account.

The suggestions received include the installation of alcohol sensors in taverns or ahatas, prohibition of cooking non-veg items in open verandas outside taverns, and increasing the distance of liquor vends from educational institutes from 100 metres to 200 metres.

Source : The Indian Express

The post Miffed, Chandigarh Liquor Contractors Decide Not to Send Suggestions for Excise Policy appeared first on Policy Print.

Deanne Millison, Elizabeth “Liz” Kosobucki and Alec Rogers are joining Ford’s public policy and government affairs team. 

Millison joins as a senior director and was most recently chief economic adviser to Vice President Harris. She previously served as deputy chief of staff and legislative director to then-Sen. Harris and as director for the city of Chicago under former Mayor Rahm Emanuel.

Kosobucki, the former director for Europe in the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative’s Office of Europe and the Middle East, will be the director for trade policy strategy. Rogers, who served as the legislative director for former Rep. Nick Smith (R-Mich.) and as Republican counsel to the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, joins Ford as director of government affairs, tax and finance policy.

Alice Lugo, the former assistant secretary for legislative affairs at the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), will join the government relations practice at Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck as senior counsel. Before her time at DHS, Lugo worked on Capitol Hill as chief counsel and senior immigration adviser to Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) and as counsel to former Rep. Luis Gutiérrez (D-Ill.)

Invariant added Melanie Harris as a senior director, where she will focus on artificial intelligence and technology policy. Harris was the United Kingdom digital policy lead for Amazon Web Services in London. She also worked on military modernization as a professional staff member for the House Armed Services Committee and served as a special assistant to the secretary of Defense and in the National Security Division of the White House Office of Management and Budget.

Andrew Mueller is now vice president of government relations at Crowley. Mueller was most recently the senior director of policy and international development for General Atomics Electromagnetic Systems and served as an officer in the U.S. Navy for more than two decades.

John Jacobs joins the Alliance for Automotive Innovation as vice president of industry engagement and partnerships. He was most recently the nonprofit and association industry leader at Hartman Executive Advisors, and he was vice president of marketing, membership and business development at the Telecommunications Industry Association.

Source : The Hill

The post Lobbying World: Ford Fuels Policy Team With Addition of Executive Branch, Capitol Hill Veterans appeared first on Policy Print.

The Colorado Republican, a member of the far-right House Freedom Caucus, has attracted controversy. She has alienated fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill and back home. And her reelection prospects are dimming.

President Joe Biden is targeting Boebert. He’ll travel to her district Wednesday to highlight CS Wind, a renewable energy manufacturing company in Pueblo.

Still, Boebert says she’s making a concerted effort to advance policy important to her district.

“Obviously, a lot of people see me as a fighter — I had to fight to get here,” she said in an interview. “But I do believe I have arrived to a position where I am taken seriously in this country as an effective legislator. And I’m very proud of that.”

Such talk might raise eyebrows, especially from someone whose brand has mostly revolved around media appearances, strong fealty to former President Donald Trump and calling those engaged in Covid-19 vaccination outreach “Needle Nazis.”

Infamously, she and a date were kicked out of a Denver theater in September for vaping and groping. Boebert has since apologized.

Boebert campaigned on water issues in her 2020 bid for the House and moved to act on her promises, but her early flirtation with QAnon conspiracy theorists — which she has since disavowed — and actions like calling Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) part of a “Jihad Squad” repeatedly overshadowed her work.

Now some fellow lawmakers and advocates are giving her at least some credit for digging in on policy.

“She’s a serious legislator,” said Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.), who sits with her on the House Natural Resources Committee.

Even some Democrats are offering grudging respect and have noticed a shift, though with caveats.

“I’m not ready to pronounce her a serious legislator,” Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) said. “But I will say that I appreciate the fact that there’s been a noticeable reduction in the performative antics.”

A review of Boebert’s policy efforts shows she’s getting traction on several fronts.

She has secured amendments to freeze a Biden administration overhaul of oil and gas regulations on federal lands and remove endangered species protections for gray wolves.

Boebert has also secured funding for important district projects like water treatment facilities and irrigation projects. Those would-be successes have yet to be enshrined into federal law.

Some Democrats have noticed her willingness to work with them on certain issues.

“We might disagree on some things,” said Sen. John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.), who is working with Boebert on a bill — H.R. 8601 and S. 636 — to extend conservation protections in her district.

“But she hasn’t been obnoxious to work with in any way. … Obviously, she’s got a different take on energy than I do. But that’s whether you got spots or stripes,” he added.

The 36-year-old grandmother and former oil pipeline inspector faces a brutal reelection bid, after winning last cycle by just 546 votes.

Democrat Adam Frisch, her 2022 opponent, wasted little time announcing he would seek a rematch.

Before taking on the Democrats, Boebert has to vanquish a competitor from within her own party, Grand Junction-based attorney Jeff Hurd.

Even though he agrees with some of Boebert’s policy positions — on addressing gray wolves, and permitting and regulatory reforms — he said the district deserves a “serious and credible and hardworking” candidate.

Boebert has waved off concerns about her tight race to represent Colorado’s 3rd District, even if she noted the busy congressional calendar has kept her in Washington longer than she’d prefer.

“I like to think I spoiled my constituents being in the district so much last Congress,” she said. “I certainly go home on the weekends and try to visit them as much as possible, but you know … the appearances aren’t going to be as frequent as they were in the first Congress just ’cause there is so much to do on the East Coast.”

Her campaign put a finer point on it.

“Congresswoman Boebert has passed more pieces of legislation out of House committees this year than anyone in Colorado’s House delegation,” campaign manager Drew Sexton said in an email.

“When this election takes place, Colorado’s 3rd District voters will clearly understand she has led the way to securing tens of millions of dollars for water, infrastructure and economic development projects for their communities.”

‘Trying to moderate myself’

Boebert showed up to Congress flaunting her gun and running her mouth, but some Democrats now say she’s figuring out how to holster both those weapons.

Huffman acknowledged that he’s “locked horns” with Boebert on Natural Resources, notably over her gun advocacy and wanting to be armed on Capitol Hill. During an interview this summer, Huffman said he has noticed a change in attitude.

“Hey Lauren!” Huffman yelled over to her. “I just got asked if you have reached out to any Democrats about any bipartisan legislation. Is there anything you would like me to work with you on?”

Boebert had a ready-made list.

“I would like you to help me with my ‘CONVEY Act’ and my Dolores River bill,” she told him, referring to measures that would transfer 31 acres of Bureau of Land Management land to a local county for economic development and the bipartisan conservation effort, respectively.

“These are all natural resources, and I’m currently working on revamping my forestry legislation. And I’m trying to moderate myself with that a little bit so we can get some agreement on it.”

She also has a water bill that would protect the sucker fish.

“It’s Endangered Species Act, you love that,” she told him. “Those are all my top priorities, and I would love to work with you on those.”

As she walked away, Huffman said, “So yeah, you can certainly notice the effort.”

Still, he said, she continues to introduce bills that are “wildly controversial and just terrible policy, and probably terrible politics, too.”

He pointed to her “Trust the Science Act,” H.R. 764, which would require the Interior Department to remove protected status for the gray wolf.

“We had a recent election of both her and the wolf in Colorado,” he said, referring to the state’s 2020 vote on Proposition 114 to reintroduce the gray wolf, which passed by a margin of just 57,000 votes out of more than 3.1 million cast statewide. “The wolf’s more popular. So I question some of the battles she picks.”

‘A serious legislator’

In the recent debate over the fiscal 2024 Interior-Environment spending bill, Boebert succeeded in adding eight amendments to the bill.

Her wins focused on a host of issues popular in her rural district.

Among those was a proposal to shift $5 million from EPA to hazardous fuels reduction in national forest lands, as well as language to halt the BLM’s proposed Fluid Mineral Leases and Leasing Process rule.

Boebert also had some red meat for her conservative base. She floated a proposal to slash the salary of Bureau of Ocean Energy Management Director Liz Klein to $1, calling her a “radical, partisan extremist.” It failed overwhelmingly.

“She’s doing what’s right for her constituents,” said fellow Republican Rep. Tom Tiffany of Wisconsin, who co-sponsored the gray wolf legislation with Boebert. “She’s doing what’s right for the environment. She’s doing what’s right for wildlife management. She’s principled.”

Another Republican who sits with Boebert on Natural Resources offered high praise.

“I think she’s actually very smart,” said Luna, the Florida Republican. “And she’s been very effective. Oil and gas is a major component of her district so she’s advocating [for her constituents].”

Luna pointed to Boebert scoring six amendments in the Military Construction-Veterans Affairs spending bill.

“That was incredible. She’s a serious legislator. I know the media tries to paint her as not, but she is,” Luna said.

‘Not just all throwing grenades’

Within her district, Boebert has also won praise for her active support of the “Dolores River National Conservation Area and Special Management Area Act,” H.R. 1534.

The bipartisan effort, backed by both of the state’s Democratic senators, would include 52,000 acres of BLM lands and 15,000 acres of Forest Service lands across three counties in the southwest corner of the state.

Those lands would be managed “to conserve, protect, and enhance the native fish, whitewater boating, recreational, scenic, cultural, archaeological, natural, geological, historical, ecological, watershed, wildlife, educational, and scientific resources.”

The proposal is the result of more than two decades of negotiations among local residents and stakeholders to protect the region while avoiding a more restrictive Wild and Scenic River designation.

“The counties have been working on that for a lot of years, so by the time she got elected it was a little late to be a driving force, but she’s definitely been a contributing force,” said Shak Powers, who works for the nonprofit Region 9 Economic Development District of Southwest Colorado, which serves local communities and the Southern Ute and the Ute Mountain Ute Indian tribes.

Powers, who previously worked as Montezuma County’s administrator, which is not an elected position, praised Boebert’s attention to the district, both in terms of constituent services and her legislative efforts.

“She has been very attentive,” Powers said, pointing to Boebert’s work on the Dolores River as well as on drought mitigation projects.

Boebert has been an advocate for both state and federal funds — supporting local grant applications and pursuing a U.S. Forest Service pilot program — for removing invasive species like Russian olives and tamarisk, or salt cedars.

He also credits Boebert for her attention to increasing broadband access in the region, pointing to ongoing efforts by her office to pursue unallocated Federal Communications Commission funds designated for that purpose.

“I think she’s got a lot of political opposition that would just as soon highlight her being far-right and not give her credit for any of the things she does well,” Powers said.

He added: “It’s not just all throwing grenades across the aisle in Congress; she’s doing what she can for the 3rd District.”

Earlier this year, Boebert also began embracing earmarks — funding for specific projects in a district, which was revived by Congress in 2021.

She submitted 10 requestsfor more than $34 million in funds for her sprawling district. She did not request any funding in fiscal 2023.

The projects would bolster reservoirs, address drinking water quality, and build new roads and a bridge. The congressional stalemate on spending, however, could endanger those efforts.

A matter of style?

A sprinkle of bipartisanship may not be enough to secure Boebert’s return for the 119th Congress.

Despite her seat’s Republican advantage — the Cook Political Report gives the GOP a 7-point edge in the district, which spans the entire Western Slope and most of the state’s southern border — observers also see the seat as one of the most competitive of the 2024 cycle. Cook rates the race a toss-up.

That’s in part due to Boebert’s narrow victory in 2022 to Frisch. The former Aspen City Council member has been talking up his prospects in 2024, telling the Guardian last month that people are “sick and tired” of the “circus.” His campaign did not respond to requests for comment.

As for the primary challenge, Hurd in October rolled out a major endorsement from former Gov. Bill Owens, the last Republican to lead the state, as well as nabbing the backing of key officials from Delta and Mesa counties.

In an interview, Hurd acknowledged that Boebert has targeted some important issues for the district — including delisting the gray wolf to allow ranchers to protect their livestock — but asserted that she has failed to pursue economic policies that would benefit the rural district.

“We’ve been suffering because of our incumbent’s inability to advance that kind of legislation in a meaningful, bipartisan way,” Hurd said. “I think it’s critical that we have somebody that is principled, but also pragmatic and who recognizes the need to work across the aisle to advance economic issues.”

Hurd noted that even on issues that should be a win for the district, Boebert’s bid for attention stands to derail progress.

He pointed to Boebert’s name for the gray wolf legislation, the “Trust the Science Act,” suggesting that the title could be off-putting to would-be co-sponsors.

“I agree with the policy goal, I think it’s critical that we delist the gray wolf,” Hurd said. “But we need to make sure that if we actually want to get this passed into law, that we can do it in a way that will encourage getting as much support as we can, including from folks on the other side of the political aisle.”

Hurd, who has represented electric cooperatives in his work with the law firm Ireland Stapleton Pryor & Pascoe, added: “I think I would stylistically approach this in a different way.”

Boebert herself expressed little concern that her theatrics could undermine her efforts, even after she introduced articles of impeachment against President Joe Biden, claiming he failed to uphold immigration laws. The effort fizzled on the House floor and angered many Republicans.

Her campaign was unfazed by political attacks of any kind.

“As expected, Congresswoman Boebert’s opponents are flat-out misrepresenting her strong legislative accomplishments,” Sexton said.

Moreover, Boebert said that gender may play a role in how she’s perceived. “I think women do have to prove themselves a little more to be taken seriously,” she said.

Ultimately, she said she’s unconcerned about the year ahead and will continue to fight.

“Democrats are going to try everything they can to buy this seat,” she said. “I am not worried about that.”

Source : E&E News

The post Boebert Leans Into Environment Policy in Bid to Win Over Critics appeared first on Policy Print.

Climate change influences the frequency and intensity of wildfires in many areas of the United States. Trees remove carbon from the atmosphere, so tree planting can mitigate climate change. However, managing forests to prevent large destructive fires can involve thinning and prescribed burning, which releases a portion of forest carbon. To complicate matters further, large fires themselves can release significant carbon.

John W. Coulston and colleagues analyzed data from more than 130,000 national forest inventory plots to project how recent legislation to increase fire management and tree planting in the United States could affect the country’s forest carbon sequestration 30 years into the future, given various fuel management, climate, economic, and energy use scenarios. The research is published in the journal PNAS Nexus.

Fuel reduction activities could remove 194–288 million metric tons of carbon from western forests over the next 10 years. However, fuel management can also increase annual net carbon sequestration rates over the long term, both because trees in thinned stands can grow larger faster and because avoided fires reduce overall emissions.

By 2050, fuel management could actually increase annual carbon sequestration over business as usual. This increase is modest, however, and the projected cumulative 2022–2050 carbon sequestered under fuel management scenarios is 200–310 million metric tons less than business as usual.

All wood removed during fuel management was assumed to be an emission for the purposes of the analysis, but the authors note that wood product innovation could change that picture by allowing carbon removed from forests to be stored in durable wood products.

Source : Phys

The post Analyzing Policy-Driven Changes to US Forest Carbon Sequestration appeared first on Policy Print.

A control area covering Airbnb-style lets in Edinburgh has been ruled “unlawful” for a second time.

Lord Braid said this aspect of City of Edinburgh Council’s attempt at regulating short-term lets (STL) was “unfair and illogical”.

Landlords took legal action against the local authority over retrospective permission required for accommodation.

City of Edinburgh Council said it would consider its next steps following the ruling.

The STL control area rules came into force on 5 September 2022, meaning property owners leasing their homes to visitors before that date would have apply for planning permission to change them to commercial premises.

However, landlords Iain Muirhead and Dickins Edinburgh Ltd argued that policy violated existing legislation.

During the judicial review at the Court of Session, they argued council guidance could only apply to lets which started operating after that date.

In a judgement published on Friday, Lord Braid agreed, stating the planning application “actively discourages” anyone from applying who does not have planning permission or an application in the pipeline, despite this not being required in every case.

‘Unfair and illogical’

He cited the hypothetical example of two STL operators – one of which had a certificate of lawful use before the cut off date and the other who did not.

He said that an operator who had permission to run a STL for several years before the deadline would have to reapply for their licence.

However, that could then be rejected under the new legislation, which Lord Braid said would “deprive thousands of landlords of compensation”.

Meanwhile, an STL operator leasing through a site such as Airbnb could apply after the cut-off – having never gained permission before – and have it approved.

Lord Braid branded that “not only unfair, but illogical”.

The council was given power to impose the control area – the first of its kind in Scotland – by the Scottish government.

The policy was introduced amid concern over the spread of Airbnb- style properties across the city and impact on available housing stock for permanent residents.

Neighbours had also linked the rise in STL’s to an increase in anti-social behaviour.

‘Onerous and oppressive’

A separate ruling from the Court of Session in June found the legislation to be “onerous and oppressive”.

The legislation was amended as a result.

The council’s planning convener, James Dalgleish, said the local authority would consider its next steps following the ruling.

He said: “It’s important to point out that, following today’s ruling, residential properties that began being used as STLs after the control area came into force on 5 September 2022 still require planning permission.

“Those that began before that date may still need it and will be considered on a case-by-case basis.”

Source : BBC

The post Short-Term Let Policy Ruled Unlawful for Second Time appeared first on Policy Print.